Posted by
David C. Innes on Wednesday, June 24, 2009 8:29:27 AM
This is a moving video and musical tribute to the Iranians who are protesting for their democratic rights in Tehran.
People
don't invest this level of passion and bloodshed only to call it day
and resign themselves to a sham democracy. With the right leadership,
this uprising could bring significant change and introduce an enduring
spirit of liberty that previously was dormant and unaware of its
strength. Notice that the protests involve everyone from university
students to middle aged women swinging handbags.
Chatham House
and the Institute of Iranian Studies at the University of St. Andrews
in Scotland has released an analysis of the disputed (let's say it:
"stolen") Iranian election poetically entitled, "
Preliminary Analysis of the Voting Figures in Iran’s 2009 Presidential Election." Here is a summary of what they discovered:
• In two conservative provinces, Mazandaran and Yazd, a turnout of more than 100% was recorded.
• If Ahmadinejad's victory was primarily caused by the increase in voter turnout, one would expect the data to show that the provinces where there was the greatest 'swing' in support towards Ahmadinejad would also be the provinces with the greatest increase in voter turnout. This is not the case.
• In a third of all provinces, the official results would require that Ahmadinejad took not only all former conservative voters, all former centrist voters, and all new voters, but also up to 44% of former reformist voters, despite a decade of conflict between these two groups.
• In 2005, as in 2001 and 1997, conservative candidates, and Ahmadinejad in particular, were markedly unpopular in rural areas. That the countryside always votes conservative is a myth. The claim that this year Ahmadinejad swept the board in more rural provinces flies in the face of these trends.
Note:
"Whilst it is possible for large numbers of voters to cast their
ballots outside their home district (one of 366), the proportion of
people who would have cast their votes outside their home province is
much smaller, as the 30 provinces are too large for effective commuting
across borders. In Yazd, for example, where turnout was above 100% at
provincial level, there are no significant population centres near
provincial boundaries."
CNN reports on it
here.
The
Iranian government could have engineered a squeeker, but not such a
close one as to require a recount. However that would have called into
question what they see as the obvious superiority of the theocracy as
it stands. It should be loved by the people of the Islamic Republic,
and so they could not stomach rigging any outcome other than one that
clearly expressed that love. But, of course, given the obvious and
widespread popular dissatisfaction with the government, their
overstatement made the lie utterly transparent, the uprising
inevitable, and the ferocity of the uprising deep and sustained.
The video is set to Pat Benatar's "
Invincible,"
the theme song from the film, "The Legend of Billie Jean" (1985). Music
and words by Simon Climie and Holly Knight. The song appears on "Seven
the Hard Way" (1985) and "Best Shots" (1989), a compilation album, as
well as the film's soundtrack. (I have not seen the film and I do not
plan to see it.)
These are the lyrics
This bloody road remains a mystery
This sudden darkness fills the air
What are we waiting for?
Won't anybody help us?
What are we waiting for?
We can't afford to be innocent
Stand up and face the enemy
It's a do or die situation
We will be Invincible
This shattered dream you cannot justify
We're gonna scream until we're satisfied
What are we running for?
We've got the right to be angry
What are we running for?
When there's nowhere we can run to anymore
We can't afford to be innocent
Stand up and face the enemy
It's a do or die situation
We will be Invincible
And with the power of conviction
There is no sacrifice
It's a do or die situation
We will be Invincible
Won't anybody help us?
What are we running for?
When there's nowhere,
No where we can run to anymore
The song then repeats itself.
Perhaps thirty years after Komeini's Islamist Revolution history will repeat itself, but more constructively.