Posted by
David C. Innes on Monday, December 03, 2007 8:50:53 PM
How easily people are taken in by populist appeals that are used to
justify government regulation of political speech. It is common to find
the following line of argument in an undergraduate research paper. The
Public Interest Research Group (
PIRG) reports:
Ninety-four
percent of the candidates who raised the most hard money won their 2002
general elections. In primary elections, the candidate who raised the
most money won 90 percent of the time.
These
figures show an almost perfect correlation between money spent and
electoral success. PIRG continues to blow the trumpet for drowsy
patriots:
The
primary problem with money in politics is that large hard money
contributions—which only a small fraction of the public can afford to
make—unduly influence who is able to run for office and who wins
elections in the United States. Without personal wealth, or the ability
to raise large sums of money from wealthy contributors, many aspiring
candidates are locked out of the process. Those voters who wish to
support views that are rejected by wealthy donors are left without an
outlet.
They provide 2002 figures from Federal Elections Commission (FEC) campaign finance data:
U.S.
elections are predominantly funded by a small number of large
contributors. Just 0.22 percent of the U.S. voting age population
contributed at least $200 to a 2002 congressional candidate; this
narrow donor pool was responsible for 76 percent of all individual
candidate contributions. Only 0.09 percent of the population made
contributions of at least $1,000 and accounted for 55.5 percent of
individual contributions to 2002 congressional candidates.
It
is worth noting that 2002 was an off-year election, i.e. there was no
presidential contest to draw people to the polls, so turnout might have
been at most 40% of registered voters. Notice also that PIRG provides
percentages NOT of
registered voters, but of
voting age population.
That presumably includes people who have not registered to vote,
non-citizens, convicted criminals, the insane etc. I suspect also that
all those clicking Internet small donors have shifted the figures
considerably since 2002, but PIRG is characteristically silent on that.
Nonetheless, those ancient 2002 figures aren't all that shocking. Given
how hard it is to get people actually to vote, it should not surprise
us that the percentage of people who contribute money to a political
campaign is a relatively small segment of voters.
But it does
not follow that elected officials therefore kowtow to that 1%. To get
or keep power, they must still solicit the votes of 50% of the voters
plus one. To be re-elected, they must please that same majority. If
giving lots of money meant that you could control the outcome of an
election,
George Soros would have bought the 2004 election
for Democrat John Kerry. But thankfully substance, i.e. what candidates
say with their money, still matters in American politics.
More evidence that political office is sold to the highest bidder. According to
OpenSecrets.org,
Hillary Clinton has raised over $90 million for her campaign, and spent
half of it already. 88% of that has been from individual contributors,
or $80 million. Once again, the leading candidate is the one with the
most money. Is she in the lead because she is the most promising
candidate, or because she has the wealthiest backers?
First,
according to the same source, Barak Obama, though he has raised $10
million less Sen. Clinton has, has spent 4 million dollars more, but he
is nonetheless
10-20 points down in the polls.
But that aside, it seems to escape many people who encounter these
arguments that perhaps greater fund raising ability is related to
greater popular support in the first place. Can Senator Clinton's front
runner status be reduced simply to her bigger bank account, or might
there be other factors? If Mike Gravel (he's a candidate) had $90
million, would he be polling far out in first place? No! He would still
be trailing because substantively he is not a good candidate. No matter
how well and how often he were to get his face and message out before
the public eye, the American people would find him unattractive for
reasons entirely unrelated to his "war chest" and what he can buy with
it. In other words, there is a reason that Hillary Clinton attracts
money!
What about campaign spending limits?
Buckley v. Valeo
(1976) settled that question, overturning a law which attempted to set
such limits, but people still find the notion attractive. In the
interest of democracy and of removing the unfair advantage that wealth
and wealthy backers gives to some candidates over other, let's level
the playing field by setting a cap on how much any candidate can spend
in campaigning. We could even adjust it for inflation and for the size
of a given electorate. But what if I want to run for the U.S. Senate
and I only have $1000 in my savings account? Why should others have an
advantage over me just because they have more money? Democracy is about
speech and equality, not about money. This is a democracy, not a
plutocracy! So the spending cap should be $1000. But what about my
neighbor who has only $100 and wants to run? You see the absurdity. If
I were a credible candidate, people with whom I had credibility would
be thrusting me forward with donations. Hence, the dynamic relationship
between the support of the people and the financial means to address
them for their support.
Of course, the equal right to speak,
guaranteed by the First Amendment to the Constitution, does not
guarantee an equal right to the means of speech. Our republic is not
only one of equality, but one of freedom. Indeed, the equality is
understood in terms of freedom. "All men are created equal." We are
equal in our humanity, in our essence. "And we are endowed by our
Creator with certain unalienable rights." These are liberties, i.e.
various aspects of the security in which to exercise our various
(unequal) faculties, as well as to reap and enjoy the fruit of that
exercise. Thus, though Rupert Murdoch has greater
means to speak that I do, he does not have a greater
right
to speak. Government control of those means would be tyranny. To limit
wealthy political candidates such as Mitt Romney, Michael Bloomberg,
Steve Forbes or Ross Perot as to how much they could spend in
addressing the nation would leave them politically "tongue-tied." But
that freedom of the tongue, and by implication any means it can muster
in its support, is precisely what the first amendment protects.